March 18th
Born: Philip de Lahire, French geometrician,
1640, Paris; John
Caldwell Calhoun, American statesman, 1782, South
Carolina.
Died: Edward, King
and Martyr, 978; Pope Honorius III, 1227; Bishop
Patrick Forbes, 1635, Aberdeen; Dr. George Stanhope,
eminent divine, 1728, Lewisham; Sir Robert Walpole,
(Earl of Orford,) prime minister to George I and II,
1745, Houghton; the Rev. Lawrence Sterne, author of
Tristram Shandy, 1768, Bond street; John Horne
Tooke,
political writer, 1812, Ealing; Sebastian Pether,
painter of moonlight scenery, 1844, Battersea; Sir
Henry Pottinger, G.C.B., military commander in India,
1856; W. H. Playfair, architect, 1857,Edinburgh.
Feast Day: St.
Alexander, Bishop of Jerusalem, martyr, 251. St. Cyril,
Archbishop of Jerusalem, 336. St. Fridian, Bishop of
Lucca, 578. St. Edward, King of England, and martyr,
978. St. Anselm, Bishop of Lucca, 1086.
EDWARD THE KING AND
MARTYR
The great King Edgar
had two wives, first Elfleda, and, after her death,
Elfrida, an ambitious woman, who had become queen
through the murder of her first husband, and who
survived her second; and Edgar left a son by each,
Edward by Elfleda, and Ethelred by Elfrida. At the
time of their father's death, Edward was thirteen, and
Ethelred seven years of age; and they were placed by
the ambition of Elfrida, and by political events, in a
position of rivalry. Edgar's reign had been one
continued struggle to establish monarchism, and with
it the supremacy of the Church of Rome, in Anglo-Saxon
England; and the violence with which this design had
been carried out, with the persecution to which the
national clergy were subjected, now caused a reaction,
so that at Edgar's death the country was divided into
two powerful parties, of which the party opposed to
the monks was numerically the strongest. The queen
joined this party, in the hope of raising her son to
the throne, and of ruling England in his name; and
the feeling against the Romish usurpation was so
great, that, although Edgar had declared his wish that
his eldest son should succeed him, and his claim was
no doubt just, the crown was only secured to him by
the energetic interference of Dunstan. Edward thus
became King of England in the year 975.
Edward appears, as
far as we can learn, to have been an amiable youth,
and to have possessed some of the better qualities of
his father; but his reign and life were destined to
be cut short before he reached an age to display them.
He had sought to conciliate the love of his
step-mother by lavishing his favour upon her, and he
made her a grant of Dorsetshire, but in vain; and she
lived, apparently in a sort of sullen state, away from
court, with her son Ethelred, at Corfe in that county,
plotting, according to some authorities, with what may
be called the national party, against Dunstan and the
government.
The Anglo-Saxons were all passionately
attached to the pleasures of the chase, and one day�it
was the 18th of March 978�King Edward was hunting in
the forest of Dorset, and, knowing that he was in the neighbourhood of Corfe, and
either suffering from
thirst or led by the desire to see his half-brother
Ethelred, for whom he cherished a boyish attachment,
he left his followers and rode alone to pay a visit to
his mother. Elfrida received him with the warmest
demonstrations of affection, and, as he was unwilling
to dismount from his horse, she offered him the cup
with her own hand. While he was in the act of
drinking, one of the queen's attendants, by her
command, stabbed him with a dagger. The prince hastily
turned his horse, and rode toward the wood, but he
soon became faint and fell from his horse, and his
foot becoming entangled in the stirrup, he was dragged
along till the horse was stopped, and the corpse was
carried into the solitary cottage of a poor woman,
where it was found next morning, and, according to
what appears to be the most trustworthy account,
thrown by Elfrida's directions into an adjoining
marsh.
The young king was, however, subsequently
buried at Wareham, and removed in the following year
to be interred with royal honours at Shaftesbury. The
monastic party, whose interests were identified with
Edward's government, and who considered that he had
been sacrificed to the hostility of their opponents,
looked upon him as a martyr, and made him a saint. The
writer of this part of the Anglo-Saxon chronicle, who
was probably a contemporary, expresses his feelings in
the simple and pathetic words, 'No worse deed than
this was done to the Anglo race, since they first came
to Britain.'
The story of the
assassination of King Edward is sometimes quoted in
illustration of a practice which existed among the
Anglo-Saxons. Our forefathers were great drinkers, and
it was customary with them, in drinking parties, to
pass round a large cup, from which each in turn drunk
to some of the company. He who thus drank, stood up,
and as he lifted the cup with both hands, his body was
exposed without any defence to a blow, and the
occasion was often seized by an enemy to murder him.
To prevent this, the following plan was adopted. When
one of the company stood up to drink, he required the
companion who sat next to him, or some one of the
party, to be his pledge, that is, to be responsible
for protecting him against anybody who should attempt
to take advantage of his defenceless position: and
this companion, if he consented, stood up also, and
raised his drawn sword in his hand to defend him while
drinking. This practice, in an altered form, continued
long after the condition of society had ceased to
require it, and was the origin of the modern practice
of pledging in drinking. At great festivals, in some
of our college halls and city companies, the custom is
preserved almost in its primitive form in passing
round the ceremonial cup�the loving cup, as it is
sometimes called. As each person rises and takes the
cup in his hand to drink, the man seated next to him
rises also, and when the latter takes the cup in his
turn, the individual next to him does the same.
LAWRENCE STERNE
The world is now
fully aware of the moral deficiencies of the author of
Tristram, Shandy. Let us press lightly upon them for
the sake of the bright things scattered through his
writings �though these, as a whole, are no longer
read. The greatest misfortune in the case is that
Sterne was a clergyman. Here, however, we may
charitably recall that he was one of the many who have
been drawn into that profession, rather by connection
than their own inclination. If Sterne had not been the
great-grandson of an Archbishop of York, with an
influential pluralist uncle, who could give him
preferment, we should probably have been spared the
additional pain of considering his improprieties as
made the darker by the complexion of his coat.
He
spent the best part of his life as a life-enjoying,
thoughtless, but not particularly objectionable
country pastor, at Sutton in Yorkshire, and he had
attained the mature age of forty-seven when the first
volumes of his singular novel all at once brought him
into the blaze of a London reputation. It was mainly
during the remaining eight years of his life that he
incurred the blame which now rests with his name.
These years were made painful to him by wretched
health. His constitution seems to have been utterly
worn out. A month after the publication of his
Sentimental Journey, while it was reaping the first
fruits of its rich lease of fame, the poor author
expired in solitary and melancholy circumstances, at
his lodgings in Old Bond-street.
There is something
peculiarly sad in the death of a merry man. One thinks
of Yorick�' Where be your gibes now? your gambols?
your songs? your flashes of merriment, that were wont
to set the table in a roar?' We may well apply to
Sterne�since he applied them to himself�the mournful
words, 'Alas, poor Yorick! 'Dr. Dibdin found, in the
possession of Mr. James Atkinson, an eminent medical
practitioner at York, a very curious picture, done
rather coarsely in oil, representing two figures in
the characters of quack doctor and mountebank on a
stage, with an indication of populace looking on. An
inscription, to which Mr. Atkinson appears to have
given entire credence, represented the doctor as Mr. T.
Brydges, and the mountebank as Lawrence Sterne: and
the tradition was that each had painted the other.
It
seems hardly conceivable that a parish priest of
Yorkshire in the middle of the eighteenth century
should have consented to be enduringly presented under
the guise and character of a stage mountebank; but we
must remember how much he was at all times the
creature and the victim of whim and drollery, and how
little control his profession and calling ever
exercised over him. Mr. Atkinson, an octogenarian, told
Dibdin that his father had been acquainted with Sterne,
and he had thus acquired many anecdotes of the whims
and crotchets of the far-famed sentimental traveller.
Amongst other things which Dibdin fond of exercising
his pencil. In our copy of the picture in question,
albeit it is necessarily given learned here was the
fact that Sterne possessed the talent of an amateur
draughtsman, and was on a greatly reduced scale, it
will readily be observed that the face of Sterne wears
the characteristic comicality which might be expected
BURNING OF TWO
HERETICS
On Wednesday, the
18th of March 1611-12, one Bartholomew Legat was burnt
at Smithfield, for maintaining thirteen heretical
(Arian) opinions concerning the divinity of Christ. It
was at the instance of the king, himself a keen
controversialist, that the bishops, in consistory
assembled, tried, and condemned this man. The lawyers
doubted if there were any law for burning heretics,
remarking that the executions for religion under
Elizabeth were 'done de facto and not de jure.'
Chamberlain, however, thought the King would 'adventure to burn Legat with a good
conscience.' And
adventure he did, as we see, taking self-sufficiency
of opinion for conscience, as has been so often done
before and since. Nor did he stop there, for on the
11
th of April following, 'another miscreant
heretic,'
named William Wightman, was burnt at Lichfield. We
learn that Legat declared his contempt for all
ecclesiastical government, and refused all favour. He
'said little, but died obstinately.'
King James had no
mean powers as a polemic. He could argue down heretics
and papists to the admiration (not wholly insincere)
of his courtiers. It was scarcely fair that he should
have had so powerful an ally as the executioner to
close the argument. It is startling to observe the
frequency of bloodshed in this reign for matters of
opinion. As an example�on the Whitsun-eve of the year
1612, four Roman Catholic priests, who had previously
been 'twice banished, but would take no warning'
(such is the cool phrase of Chamberlain), were hanged
at Tyburn. It is remarked, as a fault of
some of the
officials, that, being very confident at the gallows,
they were allowed to 'talk their full' to the
assembled crowd, amongst whom were several of the
nobility, and others, both ladies and gentlemen, in
coaches.
THE OMNIBUS TWO
HUNDRED YEARS AGO
It may appear
strange, but the omnibus was known in France two
centuries ago. Carriages on hire had already been long
established in Paris: coaches, by the hour or by the
day, were let out at the sign of St. Fiacre: but the
hire was too expensive for the middle classes. In
1662, a royal decree of Louis XIV authorized the
establishment of a line of twopence-halfpenny
omnibuses, or carosses � cinq sous, by a company,
with the Duke de Roan�s and two marquises at its
head, and the gentle Pascal among the shareholders.
The decree expressly stated that these coaches, of
which there were originally seven, each containing
eight places, should run at fixed hours, full or
empty, to and from certain extreme quarters of Paris,
'for the benefit of a great number of persons ill
provided for, as persons engaged in lawsuits, infirm
people, and others, who have not the means to ride in
chaise or carriage, which cannot be hired under a pistole, or a couple of crowns a
day.'
The public
inauguration of the new conveyances took place on the
18th of March 1662, at seven o'clock in the morning,
and was a grand and gay affair. Three of the coaches
started from the Porte St. Antoine, and four from the
Luxembourg. Previous to their setting out, two
commissaries of the Chatelet, in legal robes, four
guards of the grand provost, half a score of city
archers, and as many cavalry, drew up in front of the
people. The commissaries delivered an address upon the
advantages of the twopence-halfpenny carriages,
exhorted the riders to observe good order, and then,
turning to the coachmen, covered the body of each with
a long blue frock, with the arms of the King and the
city showily embroidered on the front. With this badge
off drove the coachmen: but throughout the day, a
provost-guard rode in each carriage, and infantry and
cavalry, here and there, proceeded along the requisite
lines, to keep them clear.
There are two
accounts of the reception of the novelty. Sanval, in
his Antiquities of Paris, states the carriages to have
been pursued with the stones and hisses of the
populace, but the truth of this report is doubted: and
the account given by Madame Perrier, the sister of the
great Pascal, describing the public joy which she
witnessed on the appearance of these low-priced
conveyances, in a letter written three days after, is
better entitled to credit: unless the two accounts may
relate to the reception by the people in different
parts of the line. For a while all Paris strove to
ride in these omnibuses, and some stood impatiently to
gaze at those who had succeeded better than
themselves. The twopence-halfpenny coach was the event
of the day: even the Grand Monarque tried a trip in
one at St. Germains, and the actors of the Marais
played the Intrigue des Carosses � Cinq Sous, in
their joyous theatre. The wealthier classes seem to
have taken possession of them for a considerable time;
and it is singular that when they ceased to be
fashionable, the poorer classes would have nothing to
do with them, and so the speculation failed.
The system reappeared
in Paris in 1827, with this inscription placed upon
the sides of the vehicles: Enterprise generate des
Omnibus. In the Monthly Magazine for 1829, we read:
'The Omnibus is a long coach, carrying fifteen or
eighteen people, all inside. Of these carriages, there
were about half a dozen some months ago, and they have
been augmented since: their profits are said to have
repaid the outlay within the first year: the
proprietors, among whom is Lafitte, the banker, are
making a large revenue out of Parisian sous, and
speculation is still alive.'
The next item in the
history of the omnibus is of a different cast. In the
struggle of the Three Days of July 1830, the
accidental upset of anomnibus suggested the employment
of the whole class of vehicles for the forming of a
barricade. The help thus given was important, and so
it came to pass that this new kind of coach had
some-thing to do in the banishing of an old dynasty.
The omnibus was
readily transplanted to London. Mr. Shillibeer, in his
evidence before the Board of Health, stated that, on
July 4, 1829, he started the first pair of omnibuses
in the metropolis, from the Bank of England to the
Yorkshire Stingo, New Road. Each of Shillibeer's
vehicles carried twenty-two passengers inside, but
only the driver outside; each omnibus was drawn by
three horses abreast, the fare was one shilling for
the whole journey, and sixpence for half the distance,
and for some time the passengers were provided with
periodicals to read on the way. The first conductors
were two sons of British naval officers, who were
succeeded by young men in velveteen liveries. The
first omnibuses were called 'Shillibeers,' and the
name is common to this day in New York.
The omnibus was
adopted in Amsterdam in 1839: and it has since been
extended to all parts of the civilized world.
INTRODUCTION OF
INOCULATION
March 18th 1718, Lady
Mary Wortley Montague, at Belgrade, caused her infant
son to be inoculated with the virus of small-pox, as a
means of warding off the ordinary attack of that
disease. As a preliminary to the introduction of the
practice into England, the fact was one of importance:
and great credit will always be due to this lady for
the heroism which guided her on the occasion.
At the time when Dr.
Sydenham published the improved edition of his work on
fevers, in 1675, small-pox appears to have been the
most widely diffused and the most fatal of all the
pestilential diseases, and was also the most
frequently epidemic. The heating and sweating plan of
treatment prevailed universally. Instead of a free
current of air and cooling diet, the patient was kept
in a room with closed windows and in a bed with closed
curtains. Cordials and other stimulants were given,
and the disease, assumed a character of malignity
which increased the mortality to a frightful extent.
The regimen which Dr. Sydenham recommended was
directly the reverse, and was gradually assented to
and adopted by most of the intelligent practitioners.
Inoculation of the
small-pox is traditionally reported to have been
practised in some mode in China and Hindustan: and Dr.
Russell, who resided for some years at Aleppo, states,
as the result of his inquiries, that it had been in
use among the Arabians from ancient times: but he
remarks, that no mention is made of it by any of the
Arabian medical writers known in Europe. (Phil. Trans.
lviii. 142.) None of the travellers in Turkey have
noticed the practice previous to the eighteenth
century. The first accounts are by Pylarini and Timoni,
two Italian physicians, who, in the early part of the
eighteenth century, sent information of the practice
to the English medical professors, by whom, however,
no notice was taken of it.
It was in the course
of her residence in Turkey, with her husband Mr. Edward
Wortley Montague, the British ambassador there, that
Lady Mary made her famous experiment in inoculation.
Her own experience of small-pox had led her, as she
acknowledged, to observe the Turkish practice of
inoculation with peculiar interest. Her only brother,
Lord Kingston, when under age, but already a husband
and a father, had been carried off by small-pox: and
she herself had suffered severely from the disease,
which, though it had not left any marks on her face,
had destroyed her fine eyelashes, and had given a
fierceness of expression to her eyes which impaired
their beauty. The hope of obviating much suffering and
saving many lives induced her to form the resolution
of introducing the practice of inoculation into her
native country.
In one of her letters,
dated Adrianople, April 1st, 1717, she gives the
following account of the observations which she had
made on the proceedings of the Turkish female
practitioners:
'The small-pox, so general and so fatal amongst us,
is entirely harmless by the invention of in-grafting, which is the term they
give it. There is a set of old women who make it their business to perform the
operation every autumn, in the
month of September, when the great heat is abated. People send to one another to
know if any one has a mind to have the small-pox. They make parties for this
purpose, and when they are met (commonly fifteen or sixteen together), the old
woman comes with a nut-shell full of
the matter of the best sort of small-pox, and asks you what vein you please to
have opened. She immediately rips open that you offer to her with a large needle
(which gives you no more pain than a common scratch), and puts into the vein as
much matter as can lie upon the
head of her needle, and after that binds up the little wound with a hollow bit
of shell, and in this manner opens four or five veins
The children or young patients play together all the
rest of the day, and are in perfect health till the eighth. Then the fever
begins to seize them, and they keep their beds two days, very seldom three. They
have very rarely above twenty or
thirty on their faces, which never mark, and in eight days' time they are as
well as they were before their illness. Where they are wounded there remain
running sores during the distemper, which, I don't doubt, is a great relief to
it. Every year thousands undergo the
operation: and the French ambassador says pleasantly that they take the
small-pox here by way of diversion, as they take the waters in other countries.
There is no example of any one that has died of it: and you may believe me that
I am well satisfied of the safety of this
experiment, since I intend to try it upon my dear little son. I am patriot
enough to try to bring this useful invention into fashion in England.'
While her husband,
for the convenience of attending to his diplomatic
duties, resided at Pera, Lady Mary occupied a house at
Belgrade, a beautiful village surrounded by woods,
about fourteen miles from Constantinople, and there
she carried out her intention of having her son
inoculated. On Sunday, the 23rd of March 1718, a note
addressed to her husband at Pera contained the
following passage:
'The boy was ingrafted on Tuesday,
and is at this time singing and playing, very
impatient for his supper. I pray God my next may give
you as good an account of him. I cannot ingraft the
girl: her nurse has not had the small-pox.'
Lady Mary Wortley
Montague, after her return from the East, effectively,
though gradually and slowly, accomplished her
benevolent intention of rendering the malignant
disease as comparatively harmless in her own country
as she had found it to be in Turkey. It was an
arduous, a difficult, and, for some years, a thankless
under-taking. She had to encounter the pertinacious
opposition of the medical professors, who rose against
her almost to a man, predicting the most disastrous
consequences: but, supported firmly by the Princess of
Wales (afterwards Queen Caroline) she gained many
supporters among the nobility and the middle classes.
In 1721 she had her own daughter inoculated.
Four
chief physicians were deputed by the government to
watch the performance of the operation, which was
quite successful: but the doctors were apparently so
desirous that it should not succeed, that she never
allowed the child to be alone with them for a single
instant, lest it should in some way suffer from their
malignant interference. Afterwards four condemned
criminals were inoculated, and this test having proved
successful, the Princess of Wales had two of her own
daughters subjected to the operation with perfect
safety. While the young princesses were recovering, a
pamphlet was published which denounced the new
practice as unlawful, as an audacious act of
presumption, and as forbidden in Scripture by the
express command: 'Thou shalt not tempt
the Lord thy God.'
Some of the nobility followed the example of the
Princess, and the practice gradually extended among
the middle classes. The fees at first were so
expensive as to preclude the lower classes from the
benefit of the new discovery.
Besides the opposition of the
medical professors, the clergy denounced the
innovation from their pulpits as an impious attempt to
take the issues of life and death out of the hands of
Providence. For instance, on the 8th of July 1722, a
sermon was preached at St. Andrew's, Holborn, in
London, by the Rev.
Edward Massey, Lecturer of St. Alban's,
Wood-street, 'against the dangerous and sinful
practice of inoculation.' The sermon was published,
and the text is Job ii. 7:
'So went Satan forth from
the presence of the Lord, and smote Job with sore
boils from the sole of his foot unto his crown.' The
preacher says: 'Remembering our text, I shall not
scruple to call that a diabolical operation which
usurps an authority founded neither in the laws of
nature or religion; which tends, in this case, to
anticipate and banish Providence out of the world, and
promote the increase of vice and immorality.'
The
preacher further observes that 'the good of mankind,
the seeking whereof is one of the fundamental laws of
nature, is, I know, pleaded in defence of the
practice; but I am at a loss to find or understand how
that has been or can be promoted hereby; for if by
good be meant the preservation of life, it is, in the
first place, a consideration whether life be a good or
not.' In addition to denunciations such as these from
high places, the common people were taught to regard
Lady Mary with abhorrence, and to hoot at her, as an
unnatural mother who had risked the lives of her own
children.
So annoying was the opposition
and the obloquy which Lady Mary had to endure, that
she confessed that, during the four or five years
which immediately succeeded her return to England, she
often felt a disposition to regret having engaged in
the patriotic undertaking, and declared that if she
had foreseen the vexation and persecution which it
brought upon her she would never have attempted it. In
fact, these annoyances seem at one time to have
produced a depression of spirits little short of
morbid; for in 1725 she wrote to her sister Lady Mar:
'I have such a complication of things both in my head and my
heart, that I do not very well know what I do; and if I cannot settle my brains,
your next news of me will be that I am locked up by my relations. In the
meantime I lock myself up, and keep
my distraction as private as possible.'
It is remarkable that Voltaire
should have been the first writer in France to
recommend the adoption of inoculation to the
inhabitants of that country. In 1727 he directed the
attention of the public to the subject. He pointed out
to the ladies especially the value of the practice, by
informing them that the females of Circassia and
Georgia had by this means preserved the beauty for
which they have for centuries been distinguished. He
stated that they inoculated their children at as early
an age as six months; and observed that most of the
20,000 inhabitants of Paris who died of small-pox in
1720 would probably have been saved if inoculation had
been then in use.
Dr. Gregory has observed, that
the first ten years of the progress of inoculation in
England were singularly unfortunate. It fell into bad
hands, was tried on the most unsuitable subjects, and
was practised in the most injudicious manner. By
degrees the regular practitioners began to patronise
and adopt it, the opposition of the clergy ceased, and
the public became convinced of the fact that the
disease in the new form was scarcely ever fatal, while
they were aware from experience that when it occurred
naturally, one person died out of about every four.
A new era in the progress of
inoculation commenced when the Small-pox Hospital was
founded by voluntary subscription in 1746, for the
extension of the practice among the poor of London.
Dr. Mead, who had been
present when the four criminals
were inoculated, wrote a treatise in favour of it in
1748, and the College of Physicians published a strong
recommendation of it in 1754. Mr. Sutton and his two
sons, from about 1763, became exceedingly popular as
inoculators; in 1775 a dispensary was opened in London
for gratuitous inoculation of the poor, and Mr.
Dimsdale at the same time practised with extraordinary
success. The Small-pox Hospital having adopted the
plan of promiscuous inoculation of out-patients,
carried it on to an immense extent between 1790 and
1800. In 1796, Dr. Jenner announced his
discovery of
vaccination, and inoculation of the small-pox was
gradually superseded by inoculation of the cow-pox.
On the 23
rd
of July 1840, the
practice of inoculation of the small-pox was
prohibited by an act of the British Parliament, 3 and
4 Viet. c. 29. This statute, entitled 'An Act to
Extend the Practice of Vaccination,' enacted that any
person who shall produce or attempt to produce by
inoculation of variolous matter the disease of
small-pox, shall be liable on conviction to be
imprisoned in the common goal or house of correction
for any term not exceeding one month.'
March 19th
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